tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-81066571552346299772024-03-14T03:10:16.941-07:00ISTANBUL URBAN RESEARCH BLOGUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger61125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-66061961456562295592017-07-16T07:46:00.003-07:002017-07-16T13:12:43.360-07:00Gentrifizierung in Istanbul: Es war einmal ein Ort der Vielfalt - TarlabasiAn article about the situation in Tarlabasi, Beyoglu (in German) ...
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDC88r8m-lOcJKhtaSu3bgFt6kxf6rv9s3ozjEngo-iMLsZSwDPX9qCZrJIDmMUxQ6yKpPdjJcaO0pujRZhVgJ_8g-WJWQ6ywD0qQRPFPHSLto708E31aPcfW_khwFMCGYzA2u4yztL4s/s1600/DSC_1485-638x300.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="300" data-original-width="638" height="150" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiDC88r8m-lOcJKhtaSu3bgFt6kxf6rv9s3ozjEngo-iMLsZSwDPX9qCZrJIDmMUxQ6yKpPdjJcaO0pujRZhVgJ_8g-WJWQ6ywD0qQRPFPHSLto708E31aPcfW_khwFMCGYzA2u4yztL4s/s320/DSC_1485-638x300.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<a href="http://www.alsharq.de/2017/iranturkei/tuerkei/gentrifizierung-in-istanbul-es-war-einmal-ein-ort-der-vielfalt/" target="_blank">http://www.alsharq.de/2017/iranturkei/tuerkei/gentrifizierung-in-istanbul-es-war-einmal-ein-ort-der-vielfalt/ </a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-82668996311165270192015-06-07T15:33:00.001-07:002015-06-08T10:44:10.469-07:00New Report out now: Third Airport will destroy Istanbul? <a href="https://dl.dropboxusercontent.com/u/10263903/Istanbul_Blog_Data/3.rdAirportProject%20-%2024.05.15.pdf" target="_blank">Download Third Airport Report</a><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzysQc7Ad1ZgHq5_X5BWtleL4u234i1qmPxCDyWvln_SumvXPrmYlZOk5web-ud1fWHi8J4n4FX3RwkNT_EE0t44PNM96KblkLPX-Y1Q0fcmvUnaP6BBQMnsbvcZyN6RMiYJLNUU2yg1c/s1600/3.rdAirportProject+-+24.05.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzysQc7Ad1ZgHq5_X5BWtleL4u234i1qmPxCDyWvln_SumvXPrmYlZOk5web-ud1fWHi8J4n4FX3RwkNT_EE0t44PNM96KblkLPX-Y1Q0fcmvUnaP6BBQMnsbvcZyN6RMiYJLNUU2yg1c/s320/3.rdAirportProject+-+24.05.jpg" width="226" /></a></div>
"The Third Airport Report is written by the relevant working group of Northern Forests Defense, a movement that advocates for the protection of the ecologically interconnected and diverse area of Northern Forests extending from Sapanca to Strandzha Mountains consisting of the last forest lands, watersheds, and farm lands along with many endemic plant and animal species. <br />
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The report titled '' The Third Airport Project Vis-a-Vis Life, Nature, Environment, People and Law'' lays bare the irrevocable natural and environmental damages the project will engender through the destruction of forests, water basins and wetlands and the extinction of flora, fauna,and birds, the fatal picture that even the project’s inadequate EIA reports have failed to disguise. <br />
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Another objective of the report is to open the scientific qualities of its EIA reports to questioning. Serious airworthiness risks stemming from migratory birds, meteorological conditions,landslides and the particular terrain of the project area together with fillings and grades that need to be made for the project are also delineated in the report.<br />
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We also want to draw attention not only to the fact that the 3rd Airport project will not be able to be economically efficient under the existing global and local conditions but also to the pillage plans of the firms who undertake the project about the area. Besides, by bringing forward the other projects of the firms who undertake this project that disregard human rights, the right to environment, relevant laws and court decisions completely, we unveil those who plunder the rich lands of the country, now reaching for Istanbul’s lungs, North Forests with this project. <br />
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We would appreciate it very much if you can circulate and share the report. <br />
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We are determined to name and shame all responsible actors that support /will support through whatever means this insane project which,as is evident from the report, will destroy Istanbul.<br />
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Best/ Cihan "<br />
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Email from Cihan Baysal, 24.05.2015 </div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-13731580506004636252014-01-09T00:55:00.000-08:002014-01-09T00:55:28.609-08:00Networks of Dispossession<h1>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="http://www.mulksuzlestirme.org/" target="_blank">http://www.mulksuzlestirme.org</a> </span></span></h1>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Collective data compiling and mapping on the relations of capital and power within urban transformation in Turkey</span></h1>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHSMOUKST12SomO3fVyByH8xOkbvpzFrJQKpLhYsm2hrLbzjxGPXe02vwhDUbsVsu-nw49JMciFMSMJQIURlYPzNPa7wjI3eoHQNH-goriJ45gJVnmkah3CZpH2M1yFYO-aENJEMy2F9E/s1600/Unbenannt.PNG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHSMOUKST12SomO3fVyByH8xOkbvpzFrJQKpLhYsm2hrLbzjxGPXe02vwhDUbsVsu-nw49JMciFMSMJQIURlYPzNPa7wjI3eoHQNH-goriJ45gJVnmkah3CZpH2M1yFYO-aENJEMy2F9E/s1600/Unbenannt.PNG" height="271" width="530" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">website http://www.mulksuzlestirme.org showing the distribution of money and <br />
power within urban transformation in Turkey</td></tr>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZpMsdm6KK-Gc73pdHTyCvKrlieMb6yncJpv_73adGs1up5hWI-pbkvhk2ufmY-rt-R_LkhGe7ODFghMYgJPZGi5xX7zZnbclzqNjPc-10ZhlygFGTVJ4FZoP6Y4W4yJNVL4DnFvegU7g/s1600/mulksuzlestirme-projeler.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZpMsdm6KK-Gc73pdHTyCvKrlieMb6yncJpv_73adGs1up5hWI-pbkvhk2ufmY-rt-R_LkhGe7ODFghMYgJPZGi5xX7zZnbclzqNjPc-10ZhlygFGTVJ4FZoP6Y4W4yJNVL4DnFvegU7g/s1600/mulksuzlestirme-projeler.jpg" height="317" width="530" /></a></div>
The map above shows concerning to the website "what other investments do the developers of urban renewal
projects have? What kind of partnerships have been established between
the government and private developers during these processes of
dispossession? To which certain investors have citizens' taxes been
transmitted through the redevelopment/privatization of public space?
Which corporate owned media outlets are censoring the ecological,
economical and social destruction mega projects such as the 3rd airport,
3rd bridge and Ilısu Dam (Hasankeyf) will cause?
In this network map,dispossession projects are represented in black circles. The size of the circle represents the value of the project. are represented in blue and directly connected to their projects. The <span class="emphasis">media outlets</span> are represented with their logo and are directly connected to the affiliated corporation. <span class="emphasis">Work related crimes</span> are noted in red next to the project. <span class="emphasis">Supporters of Turkey's Olympic bid</span> are noted in purple and the <span class="emphasis">13. Istanbul Biennial sponsors</span>
are indicated with turquoise colored text. The network map organizes
itself by running as a software simulation, where the names naturally
find their position on the canvas through connecting forces, revealing
the central actors, indirect links, and organic clusters."
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-19976660167631644022013-11-03T15:30:00.000-08:002015-06-07T15:44:43.571-07:00Gezi Park Events: Various Shades of the Opposition against the Authoritarian Rule <!--[if !mso]>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">I dedicate this piece to those who lost their lives, limbs
and loved ones during the Gezi Uprising in Turkey…</span></i></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Turkey was in the frontline of news in June 2013, due to a series of
unpredicted events, in a country with a tradition of obedience culture,
summarised by the well-known proverb “Let the <span style="color: black;">snake
that doesn´t touch me live a thousand years</span>”. The events started with a
very naïve sit-in in the Gezi Park, a public park in the midst of Istanbul nearby Taksim Square, where large left-wing
demonstrations were held during the 1970s. The sit-in was organised through
Facebook and Twitter to invite people to gather and camp there. The sit-in aimed
at protecting the park from being regenerated, one of the few green areas of
Istanbul covered with grown trees, which later transformed into large-scale
street demonstrations aiming at freedom and equality. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: justify;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Taksim
and Beyoglu: The Western Face of Istanbul</span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Before I explain how we came
to this point, I will provide the reader with a sense of the spaces which will
be mentioned in this piece, being Gezi
Park, Beyoglu, and Taksim Square, all located in the largest
city of the country, Istanbul.
Until the June 2013 uprising, Gezi Park, instead of a place of destination, was
a neglected and in-between place connecting work and education amenities. Its
neglect was also fuelled by the proximity of Beyoglu, Cihangir, and Galata, old
neighbourhoods with a cosmopolitan city life, including night clubs, cafes,
restaurants, exhibition and art centres. Istanbul
has always been a city of neighbourhoods segregated on the basis of a
particular identity and way of life. In this respect, Taksim and the main
district to which it belongs, Beyoglu, have been known for centuries as the
western face of Istanbul, due to the non-Muslim
and Levantine populations who lived in the area involved with trade and
especially banking during the Ottoman Empire.
These people were early adopters of a bourgeoisie lifestyle in the Ottoman
Empire who brought a westernised way of life with particular consumption
habits. Beyoglu has various non-Muslim places of worship (synagogues and
churches) and is characterized by a built environment reflecting a European
taste. After Non-Muslim populations gradually left Turkey
during the Republican Era, Taksim and Beyoglu experienced periods of neglect,
leading to the inflow of migrants from Anatolia.
However, the area is still dominated by beautiful buildings and a mixed
population of tourists, locals and passers-by, becoming more popular due to its
gradual renewal and gentrification since the 1980. Similarly, Galata and
Cihangir also experienced gentrification, and are preferred as a place of
residence especially by artists, intellectuals and academics, being two
neighbourhoods famous for their night life, arts and cultural events,
cosmopolitan way of life, and old built environment.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: #00FF; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">During the Republican period, the secular nation builders were clever to
transform Taksim Square
into a symbol of modern Istanbul.
Taksim Square,
where Gezi Park
is located, is also home to the Ataturk
Monument, erected in 1928 to
commemorate the Independence War and its heroes, including Ataturk, the founder
of the Turkish Republic. Since then, it has become the symbol
of secularism and later of socialism during the 1970s, hosting large left-wing
demonstrations, to commemorate 1<sup>st</sup> of May, Workers’ Day. The area
was closed off to the public for left-wing demonstrations by the 1980 coup
d’etat starting a neoliberal period of oppression. The Square’s modern identity
was complemented by the Ataturk Cultural Centre, built in 1969 and then rebuilt
in 1977 after a fire, as the main centre for classical music concerts, opera and
ballet performances until its closure in 2008, all of which make Taksim Square
the “door to the modern Istanbul”.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: #00FF; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;"></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0lMCLg783VVP7QprlAm_7_ti8xxwaOOtzHlt5UzY_8FIT3Crn0ZTK57OIt5mY5tr7QwOXMBo4xx8eNAa3vzmUnr4tG8daeqm8X88ZFvwgnnSZb8Bjv2uQExqwoIrZIDCgbekPRPrTQlg/s1600/Taksim+Square.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="193" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0lMCLg783VVP7QprlAm_7_ti8xxwaOOtzHlt5UzY_8FIT3Crn0ZTK57OIt5mY5tr7QwOXMBo4xx8eNAa3vzmUnr4tG8daeqm8X88ZFvwgnnSZb8Bjv2uQExqwoIrZIDCgbekPRPrTQlg/s400/Taksim+Square.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The Taksim
Square:</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> Ataturk Monument
is located in the round area, with Gezi
Park in the upper right of
the picture, the green area. The large block to the right is the Ataturk
Cultural Centre, closed to the public since 2008. The Square is in the middle
of the picture which became the site for left-wing demonstrations during the
1970s. The picture is taken from Google Earth.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Justice
and Development Party: From Aspiration to the EU into a Society of Fear </span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Here a couple of
sentences are needed on the Justice and Development Party, the ruling party of
Turkey since 2002 which adopts neoliberal economic policies but uses populist and
conservative discourses to win over the masses, discussed also in recent blogs
written by Taskale (2013) and Dikec (2013). The party can be regarded as the
melting pot of different right-wing ideologies and is supported by the Islamic
capital and denominations (Tanulku, 2012a).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Its main supporters are the immigrant masses living in large cities lacking
in cultural capital, and unconcerned about the arts/culture (high culture) and
the protection of heritage and environment. The Justice and Development Party’s
populist discourses identify with the masses, who felt i</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-font-family: AdvGulliv-R; mso-fareast-language: TR;">solated and exploited, economically and socio-culturally in the face of an established
secular urban culture. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The
party also wins over the masses through economic subsidies, which are
reminiscent of “sadaka”,</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-font-family: AdvGulliv-R; mso-fareast-language: TR;"> the aid mechanism
used during the Ottoman Empire, a period which Justice and Development Party
seeks to imitate due to its loyalty to Islamic and Ottoman roots, using
discourses relying on the Empire’s traditions to build its power in the Middle
East. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Economic
subsidies replaced the state’s welfare mechanisms since the 1980 coup d’etat,
and instead, the government provides economic support for needy populations
through informal means. The party was also supported by the established ruling
classes who encouraged the existence of religiously indoctrinated masses due to
a common belief that a religious person would not claim anything “this-worldly”
and accept their lower statutes as “God given”. However, at the same time, the
ruling classes are also threatened with the fact that the Justice and
Development Party also created its own bourgeoisie, adopting a conservative way
of life which is against anything secular and western. They also threaten the
share of secular and established upper classes in the economic wealth. Labelled
as </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: #00FF; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">“White Muslims”, the rising Islamic upper classes also
created a dilemma due to the belief that Islam should reflect modesty and an
ascetic way of life while capitalism reflects greed and consumerism (Tanulku,
2012a). </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Despite adopting
neoliberal economic policies and using discourses which show no respect towards
women, minority groups, LGTB people, and no interest in heritage, arts and
culture, and basic human and animal rights due to its anti-enlightenment roots,
the party was well-supported by a majority of Turkish people since it was seen
as a step towards the Turkey’s EU membership and its aim of reducing the
military’s domination over Turkish politics. This support is eroded in time due
to the party’s policies limiting liberal freedoms, creating debates on the
number of children a couple should have, discouragement of women’s
participation in the workforce and political life, insufficient preventive
measures and punishment towards sexual offences, as well as persecutions against
people who criticise party politics, the long “Ergenekon” trial to sequester
the secular and anti-imperialist wing of the Turkish Army and other important
institutions, the censorship on the social media and the overtake of the mass
media. Lastly, its aim at restricting abortions, controlling alcohol consumption,
transforming all secular secondary schools into religious schools and describing
the founding fathers of the Republic as “alcoholics” were widely criticised,
including in the social media, the space where people can raise their voices. </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">A
New Urban Process under the Justice and Development Party’s Rule</span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The party which also governs most
of the Turkish cities has also a bad record on the protection of urban heritage
and green areas, seen by them as sites to be transformed into profit. In</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"> the last years, Istanbul has witnessed several urban renewal projects,
which er</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">adicated old
inner neighbourhoods, consisting of mainly the urban poor. This process ended
in dispossessing local populations, breaking their social ties with urban life
and moving them into new and soulless housing complexes outside the city, while
selling these properties at high prices. Their main rationale is that these old
buildings should be renewed since they are too old to resist to a potential
earthquake, used as an excuse to transform these old neighbourhoods into sites
of consumption and residence to fuel the housing boom. Lastly, in May 2013, the
building which contained one of the oldest movie theatres of Istanbul, Emek
Sinemasi, host to various international movie festivals and the old Inci
Patisserie, one of the symbols of Beyoglu known for its delicious profiteroles,
was totally demolished, a widely-criticised event especially by intellectuals,
academics and movie-goers. The building is being transformed into a shopping mall,
one among many others in Beyoglu, which would radically transform the soul of
the area from a cultural milieu into a consumption space. Major developments in
the north of the city, such as “Kanal Istanbul” and Third Bosporus Bridge and the
Airport </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">will also lead to the eradication of all native forests on both sides of
northern Istanbul. The construction of a large mosque imitating its Ottoman
predecessors on the Camlica Hill, one of few hills covered with trees, a
breathing space for people in a highly-urbanised city, also caused strong
opposition. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">More particularly, local and national authorities aimed at transforming
the Gezi Park into an imitation of Ottoman Halil Pasha Artillery Barracks, a
symbol of Sharia uprising repressed by the secular Ottoman army officers in
1909, demolished during the Republican Period in 1940. The new building is
rumoured to include a shopping mall, residences as well as a city museum.
However, the underlying aim of the current local authorities is to take revenge
from the secular nation-building process which transformed the Taksim Square into
an open space full of modern symbols in the centre of Istanbul. The re-erecting of the old military
barracks is only one step towards the transformation of the area into a
neo-Ottoman space of consumption and destruction of its image of left-wing
political activism. The second step is to demolish Ataturk Cultural Centre, another
symbol of modernity, sealed off by the authorities governed by the Justice and
Development Party to replace it with another cultural centre. These buildings
and structures in the Square were coincidentally constructed in modern style,
while conservative government aims at building structures in baroque style,
reflecting their conservative taste. However, their principal wish is to erect
a mosque in the midst of the Square to complete the conquest of the Square, and
erase its heritage full of secular and modern symbols, which was concealed by
their excuse to answer the need of a place of worship for Muslim population in
Beyoglu, despite the fact that the area has already a couple of small mosques. </span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">It’s starting… </span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The events started at the end of May, the boiling point of a growing
opposition developed over the last ten years against the ruling party. When
workers from the city administration tried to evict the sit-in arena in Gezi
Park, several MPs from the opposition parties, namely CHP (Republican People’s
Party) and BDP (Peace and Democracy Party), joined the protesters to support
them. The events turned into a guerrilla-warfare in the streets of Istanbul, which were
transmitted through informal channels of the social media, instead of the
mainstream media, which censored the news due to the fear of the government.
That Saturday, on 1<sup>st</sup> of June, the demonstration planned to be held
in the Asian side of the city by the largest opposition party CHP was
transferred to Taksim Square
to support the events. It turned into one of the largest gatherings in recent
Turkish history, which was supported not only by people in the streets, but by
also by residents of apartments nearby and by drivers of cars passing by. Over
the days, the PM Erdogan used aggressive discourses against the protesters,
whom he called “capulcu” (looters) in order to debase them in front of the masses
voting for him. Erdogan also tried to encourage his supporters by saying “I
have difficulty in holding back the 50% who support me”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The clashes between police and the protesters
ended in several casualties, hundreds of wounded and imprisoned. However, instead
of retreating, the numbers of protesters grew rapidly in Ankara,
the capital city, and other large cities in Anatolia,
and answered Erdogan back through a humoristic language “I am chapulling!” (I
am looting!).</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0ReHXpar4D6AvAQmfyls2XC_3FeEh46fIzhNyAL3iKvUEiuX9C-afhQ7QLAx22UphHt51ppAWyIs7j7j9w1auhDUxhBHhxjXiLRyd29OcjI_isB-wacSiRAxGSYeZ4BTVvBmYTj-ZB28/s1600/2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0ReHXpar4D6AvAQmfyls2XC_3FeEh46fIzhNyAL3iKvUEiuX9C-afhQ7QLAx22UphHt51ppAWyIs7j7j9w1auhDUxhBHhxjXiLRyd29OcjI_isB-wacSiRAxGSYeZ4BTVvBmYTj-ZB28/s320/2.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> The Taksim Square,
during the uprising in 2013</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taksim_Gezi_Park">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taksim_Gezi_Park</a></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The People Revolting </span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The people on streets consist of
several groups: the first and the largest section comprise young people, with
high educational and possibly cultural capital, coming from families of urban
social origin.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>These young and
restless people’s main concerns are of lifestyle related, which would be
restricted due to the ruling party’s policies. They are also concerned about Turkey’s
current environmental and heritage problems. The second group consist of the
secular middle classes, together with nationalists, who are concerned about their
liberal freedoms once guaranteed by the secular state. In addition, they are
also concerned about the Kurdish question in Turkey,
which is regarded as a threat to the continuity of the Turkish Republic.
Another important group consist of women, who think their liberal freedoms
would be restricted due to the conservative policies of the Justice and
Development Party. There are also fifty shades of left represented by trade
unions, political parties, and public sector workers, from different
standpoints, which are against the increasing inequality, the growing insecure
working conditions and general pressure on unions and other organisations
working for class solidarity and social equality. Other groups have different concerns,
such as Alawi and/or Kurdish people, LGTB people, human and animal rights
activists, neighbourhood organisations, environmental activists, arts and
cultural groups, and anti-capitalist Muslims, becoming more visible in the last
years</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: #00FF; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">, refusing Justice and Development Party’s
neoliberal and authoritarian policies as well as a consumerist/greedy lifestyle
while accepting a devout Islamic way of life</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">. All these people, united against the ruling party
and its policies and even if they have opposing views, were able to gather and
camp together in the Gezi
Park, before their
eviction by the police forces.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>However,
the events turned into a “multi-layered and packaged opposition” which consist
of informal TV channels such as “Capul TV” established in Gezi Park at the
height of the uprising in order to broadcast the events directly, several demonstrations
held in other large cities, slogans thrown during football matches uniting fans
of rival football clubs, environmental camps to enlighten others, festivals and
concerts to raise aid for those who were wounded due to police violence, urban
forums held in several neighbourhoods of various big cities organised by
ordinary people as well as certain non-violent civil obedience examples such as
“Standing Man” in front of Ataturk Cultural Centre to raise awareness about the
events and the fast production of several books and documentary movies. This
packaged opposition, which also created its own jargon and language based on
humour, can lead to an increasing awareness among people who can find new ways
of resistance and solutions to the on-going problems.</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">The
Events and Beyond</span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">What are the consequences of these events? Their first and foremost
outcome is the confidence reclaimed by Turkish people from diverse backgrounds.
They acted against the powerful despite the lack of a leader, or vanguard
organisation or the protective wings of the Turkish Army, seen as a guarantee
against enemies, especially by the secular middle classes. Instead, the young
Turkish generations did not wait until a saviour comes to save them. These
young people, despite their high economic and social capital, joined their
comrades in Gezi Park when they left their offices to join the crowds. By
becoming Supermen of the current era, ordinary people working during day and
rebels with a cause during night, they rediscovered the beauty of coming
together. Once accused of being narcissistic, apolitical and egoistic, they
paid the price of going into the streets by losing their eyes, being wounded
and partially disabled until the end of their lives and dying so young,
signalling the end of a post-political age. The second actor which gained
confidence was political enemies in the left and opposition, which also led to
the building of new bridges between them, a dream and hope for years. This was
seen in the cooperation between nationalist feminists, supporting the national
secular state policies and the new generation of feminists emerging since the
1980s, who were usually against the policies of secular nation state due to its
top-down process of organising which seemed as tyrannical. Now, in Gezi Park
the old and the new generation feminists gathered together. In addition, there
is also some rekindling in left parties in order to enter the local elections
together. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Second, these events also showed the importance of the open urban space
as the centre of becoming, revolution, and change. In this respect, the
material space in its urban form reclaimed its power and became the site of
conflict, and change. The protesters claimed their right to the city by
occupying the most important centre of Istanbul
from being transformed into a closed space.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This also signals the end of the domination of neoliberal spaces such as
shopping malls, which received criticisms for being “too many” for Istanbul and
other large cities. The events also indicated that the people made their own
spaces, which altered urban topography, signalling a bottom-up process of space-making
based on the interaction between space and people. This space is made by the
protesters instead of practitioners and politicians, through their everyday
interaction with each other and conflict with the police forces. This is
especially seen in Gezi Park and Taksim Square, when Gezi Park was occupied
with the protesters and became an arena of life, cooking, eating, drinking,
debating, dancing, singing, praying, practicing yoga, and even studying and
preparing for university exams! The Gezi
Park, considered to be the first
“commune” of Turkey,
was also surrounded by several buses and cars abducted from the police, to
protect the commune and the trees in the Park from being demolished. Before its
occupation, Gezi Park, located above the Square, was
segregated from the Taksim Square
by the barriers erected by the Municipality to close off the area for
regeneration. However, the occupation transformed the area into a very large
open space, extending towards the upper class shopping district of Sisli.
However, this human-made urban topography had already been planned during the
early Republican Era by architect Henry Proust, who was invited by Ataturk to
help in the master planning of Istanbul.
Proust planned the area as a large wooded land for recreation, called Plan no.
2. Now people themselves made an open space by demolishing barriers which revived
the once–planned but never realised Plan no. 2. The making of space was
completed by the occupation of Ataturk Cultural Centre which was covered by the
posters and banners of various organisations, political parties, and activist
groups. Once a soulless black box, it transformed into a living building
reflecting the various shades of the Turkish left that was silenced since the
coup d’etat of 1980. In addition, this material space is connected with the
virtual space, by the help of the social media which became crucial in
organising these “real life events”, signalling the amalgamation of the virtual
and real realms. Social media became both a tool for action in real life and
the space of meeting, when real life cannot provide opportunity to come
together.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3vKEACJhBT5ivkNHKAur5eP7Vd8nUVW9H7u_Mz8ojXe8MwxrqZgbMc_bn7tS0xJzVczR8R6QfOBx4SWb5roxmUzJzzSUXLyl7O2CbeNNFREV_KyYW3715RtlEnbOznAD6xZqIzm8fQug/s1600/3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="317" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3vKEACJhBT5ivkNHKAur5eP7Vd8nUVW9H7u_Mz8ojXe8MwxrqZgbMc_bn7tS0xJzVczR8R6QfOBx4SWb5roxmUzJzzSUXLyl7O2CbeNNFREV_KyYW3715RtlEnbOznAD6xZqIzm8fQug/s400/3.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> The Ataturk Cultural Centre covered with banners and posters of various
shades of the left.</span></div>
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<span lang="TR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><a href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2013_Taksim_Gezi_Park_protests,_a_view_from%20_Taksim_Square_3_on_4th_June_2013.JPG">http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2013_Taksim_Gezi_Park_protests,_a_view_from
_Taksim_Square_3_on_4th_June_2013.JPG</a></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Third, these demonstrations made people reflect on the Zeitgeist of the
events. The Gezi Park events are based on the ideals of
secularism and enlightenment, which do not exclude conservative people. This is
also against the idea that the Gezi Park uprising is similar to Arab Spring.
Instead, it is against everything put forward by Arab Spring, which ended in
the takeover of several dictatorships by Islamic fundamentalists. Rather, Gezi
Park uprising is against Islamist tyranny and resembles an Occupy Event.
Second, the uprising also reflects a search for a moral society that became
more degenerate, due to the long and greedy 1980s, leading to the rise of a
culture dominated by celebrities and consumption, apolitical youth and a
general lack of interest in politics</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: AR-SA;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">(Tanulku,
2012b). This can lead younger protestors to think on what would a young student
of economics do who played the role of the rebel in the streets of Istanbul,
when she/he starts working in a multinational bank owned by those people,
she/he hated once while a student? Can this person have the right to behave
like those people who once she/he hated? And how would a rebel person behave
when he/she takes the power? Can capitalism be moral? Or can socialism
transform into a hell due to basic human nature? Can the space, soul and
morality of Gezi Commune be expanded towards the other realms of the everyday
life? Can soulless cities re-gain their life back due to the new culture of
Gezi commune? During their rule, the Justice and Development Party also led to
a change in everyday beliefs due to the rise of a new upper class, “White
Muslims” who adopt an Islamic way of life but do not find difficulty in
exploiting the workers and relying on a conspicuous way of life. Together with
the scandals of the ruling party, this led to reflections on the relation
between religion and morality, and capitalism and Islam. This is seen in the
emergence of “anti-capitalist Muslims” who joined the protests and prayed while
they camped together with other groups in the Gezi Park,
claimed by Erdogan to be “marginal and atheists”. This might lead to new
cooperation between leftists and conservative/religious people, something
missing in everyday debates.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">Fourth, the events also led people to reflect on the condition of the
working classes. The Gezi revolt is criticised by the left due to the
under-representation of the urban poor in the events. The lack of success of
leftist politics among the urban poor is related to various factors in Turkey. First,
due to the neoliberalisation of the economy and society, the unionisation among
the workers declined in the last several decades. Second, the urban masses,
including the working class, do not support leftist politics. Instead, they
support political parties which use populist discourses, and in the case of Turkey,
those using religious and to a certain extent nationalistic discourses. Leftist
politics cannot address the majority of the voting population, due to the
popular belief that socialism and communism would bring anarchy and atheism,
and would ban religious freedom if take power. Third, as noted above, the
conventional labour markets changed radically since the 1980s due to the rise
of new forms of capital accumulation, and new groups within the working population,
who are well-paid. As a result of their high educational, social and economic capital,
which conceals their class exploitation, they are not aware that they also
belong to the working class.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>However,
it should be noted that young people also experience unemployment and even if
they are well-paid, face insecure working conditions. This is a very different
condition from that experienced by their middle class parents who lived during
the Golden Age of the welfare state which provided secure working conditions
and a predictable future. In addition, the young student generation in
universities do not know what the future will bring them. As a result, these
people, who normally should not feel insecure about their future, can become
more preoccupied with their economic as well as psychological well-being which
can lead to more radical leftist and/or humanitarian movements.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>In addition, together with the coming
economic crisis in Turkey due to the government’s economic policies, people
might wish for a more equal distribution of wealth. This would also address a
need of a different kind of policy making among different strands of the
working classes, based on their needs, jargon and culture. These events continued
during hot summer months of 2013, despite the long summer vacation, which leave
large cities relatively empty. Despite the uncertainty about the continuity and
direction of the events, Turkish people indicated that they have a voice over
the fate of their cities and futures, signalling a more promising future at
least in the developing world, where people from very diverse backgrounds came
together and formed an amorphous, vertical, and pluralistic opposition. This
will hopefully continue as signalled in the slogan used during the events “This
is only the beginning, our struggle will continue”…<span style="background: yellow; mso-highlight: yellow;"></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">TANULKU, B. (2012a)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"> Gated
Communities: From Self-Sufficient Towns to Active Urban Agents, <i>Geoforum,</i><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"> 43 (3): 518-528.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-fareast-language: AR-SA;">TANULKU, B. (2012b) <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">“Moral
Capitalism” and Gated Communities: An Example of Spatio-moral Fragmentation in Istanbul</i>, <a href="http://citiesmcr.wordpress.com/2012/11/27/moral-capitalism-and-gated-communities-an-example-of-spatio-moral-fragmentation-in-istanbul/">http://citiesmcr.wordpress.com/2012/11/27/moral-capitalism-and-gated-communities-an-example-of-spatio-moral-fragmentation-in-istanbul/</a>
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">For the information on the historical transformation
of Taksim Square,
I referred to “Gezi Parki Kitlelerin Evi” (Gezi
Park: The Home of the Masses”), Kemal
Tayfur, pp. 70-76, the Atlas Magazine Special Issue on Gezi Park,
July 2013.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">For a good analysis of the Justice and Development Party
and the socio-political logic behind the Gezi Park revolt see Taskale, A.
(2013)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"> </span><span lang="EN" style="color: #333333; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">“</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Gezi Revolt: Critique, Courage-A Commentary”<span style="color: #333333;">, <a href="http://societyandspace.com/2013/07/08/gezi-revolt-critique-courage-a-commentary-by-ali-riza-taskale/">http://societyandspace.com/2013/07/08/gezi-revolt-critique-courage-a-commentary-by-ali-riza-taskale/</a>
</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">and Dikec, M.
(2013), </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">“Fraudulent democracy and Urban Stasis in Turkey”,<span style="color: #333333;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><a href="http://societyandspace.com/2013/06/14/commentary-by-mustafa-dikec-fraudulent-democracy-and-urban-stasis-in-turkey/">http://societyandspace.com/2013/06/14/commentary-by-mustafa-dikec-fraudulent-democracy-and-urban-stasis-in-turkey/</a>.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-27391101544905558932013-09-18T16:02:00.001-07:002013-09-18T16:04:05.028-07:00Let the Blames Beginreblogged from <a href="http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/09/11/let-the-blames-begin/?ref=turkey&_r=1" target="_blank">NYT</a><br />
<br />
September 11, 2013, 11:47 <span class="postMetaHeaderCommentCount commentCount"></span>
<br />
<address class="byline author vcard">
</address>
<address class="byline author vcard">
By <a class="url fn" href="http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/author/andrew-finkel/" title="See all posts by ANDREW FINKEL">ANDREW FINKEL</a></address>
ISTANBUL — If he knew me, Suat Kilic, Turkey’s sports minister, would probably say that I decorate <a href="http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkey-returns-to-its-own-agenda-after-olympic-loss.aspx?pageID=449&nID=54141&NewsCatID=409" target="_blank">my backside with henna</a> — Turkish vernacular for a naysayer who gloats over the misfortunes of others. <br />
I did feel a twinge of regret late Saturday night when the news
tickers flashed word that Tokyo, rather than my home city of Istanbul,
would host the 2020 Summer Olympics. It would have been fun, and good
for business, for the greatest sporting show on earth to come to town.
But after a pause, I breathed a very deep sigh of relief. <br />
I believe that hosting the Games would have given the Turkish authorities license to impose <a href="http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/14071/activists-submitted-report-against-olympics-in-ist" target="_blank">their pharaonic vision of Istanbul</a>.
The Olympic bid was already being cited as justification for building a
third airport. This government revels in huge, environmentally reckless
projects. It has madcap plans to build not just another bridge across
the Bosphorus, but another Bosphorus altogether: a new canal to link the
Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara.<br />
<span id="more-11107"></span><br />
Pro-government media are blaming Istanbul’s failure to win the games on us tree-huggers, especially the Gezi Park protesters. <a href="http://www.aksam.com.tr/guncel/capulcu-mutlu/haber-242814" target="_blank">“The Hooligans are Happy”</a> was the headline in the daily Aksam on Sunday. Kilic tweeted <a href="https://twitter.com/suatkilic/status/376490038227652609" target="_blank">“They must have exhausted their supply of henna.”</a><br />
The newspaper Yeni Safak has pointed a finger at Reuters — for daring
to show that demonstrations in Istanbul were starting afresh by posting
a photo of a restaurant full of tear gas on the day the International
Olympic Committee made its selection. The police were trying to disperse
a recent Gezi-style protest against plans to build a highway through a
forest on a university campus on the outskirts of Ankara. <br />
But the reason Istanbul didn’t win the Olympic bid had less to do
with Gezi Park than doping scandals and game fixing in Turkish sports
and <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/sport/other-sport/syrian-war-cost-istanbul-2020-olympic-games-bid" target="_blank">the rumblings of war next door in Syria</a>.
The strength of its application was the city’s symbolism — great
commercial center, past capital of an Islamic empire, link between
Europe and Asia — but that symbolism wasn’t strong enough.<br />
If anything, Istanbul is now in danger of becoming the symbol of a
city divided, not just between Europe and Asia but by irreconcilable
internal differences. The <a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LcF5Jo2g_K4" target="_blank">promotional video the Turkish government showed the I.O.C.</a>
depicted cappuccino-drinking young executives, out jogging, flirting
and having fun. Yet these were henna-bottomed Turks: They are the ones
who rallied to save Gezi Park and were pleased to see Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Olympics pitch turned down. <br />
The government seems unable to deal with dissent from this
freer-thinking urban professional class other than with police batons.
And yet in its bid to host the Games — and to develop the city in just
the ways these people contest — it touted their image as its own. I
don’t know whether that’s the ultimate sign of disconnect or cynicism. <br />
<hr />
<div class="shortbio">
<i>Andrew Finkel has been a foreign
correspondent in Istanbul for over 20 years, as well as a columnist for
Turkish-language newspapers. He is the author of the book “Turkey: What
Everyone Needs to Know.”<br />
</i></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-15290976742474786612013-06-24T03:44:00.001-07:002013-06-24T03:44:39.537-07:00It all started with a tree<iframe width="480" height="360" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/demnc4sQ0VI" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>
<br />
movie uploaded by Sim SenolUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-56944403867674028102013-06-06T03:32:00.000-07:002013-06-06T03:39:36.296-07:00Gezi Park and what happend in the last days<br />
<br />
Source: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=472402239509898&set=vb.472013769548745&type=2&theater" target="_blank">facebook</a><br />
<br />
<iframe frameborder="0" height="295" src="https://www.facebook.com/video/embed?video_id=472402239509898" width="525"></iframe> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-85674949948614640242013-05-16T03:53:00.000-07:002013-05-16T03:53:28.044-07:00Brachiale Erneuerung in Istanbul<h2>
<span style="font-size: x-small;">reblogged from NZZ</span> </h2>
<h1>
Wem gehört die Stadt?</h1>
<h6>
<a class="caption" href="http://www.nzz.ch/aktuell/feuilleton/uebersicht/">
</a><time datetime="2013-05-06 06:00:00">Montag, 6. Mai, 06:00</time></h6>
<span class="addinfo dock_right"><a class="addinfo-amount" href="http://www.nzz.ch/aktuell/feuilleton/uebersicht/wem-gehoert-die-stadt-1.18076505#disqus_thread"> </a></span><figure class="zoom"><a class="inline" href="http://www.nzz.ch/aktuell/feuilleton/uebersicht/wem-gehoert-die-stadt-1.18076505#gallery:zoom_1-18076505" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Malerisches Chaos – bereits seit 73 Jahren überquert die immer stärker unter dem Verkehr ächzende Atatürk-Brücke das Goldenen Horn." height="223" src="http://images.nzz.ch/app.php/eos/v2/image/view/643/-/text/8af9a190/1.18076609.1367786315.jpg" width="400" /></a><figcaption><a class="inline" href="http://www.nzz.ch/aktuell/feuilleton/uebersicht/wem-gehoert-die-stadt-1.18076505#gallery:zoom_1-18076505"><span>
Malerisches Chaos – bereits seit 73 Jahren überquert
die immer stärker unter dem Verkehr ächzende Atatürk-Brücke das
Goldenen Horn.
<small>(Bild: Martin Roemers / Laif)</small></span></a></figcaption></figure><h5>
Eine massige Metro-Brücke über dasGoldene Horn stört den Blick
aufs Stadtpanorama, der Taksim-Platz wird umgekrempelt, bald soll eine
protzige Moschee vom Camlica-Hügel grüssen: Die AKP-Regierung hat
Istanbul ein Modernisierungsprogramm verschrieben, das mit brachialen
Mitteln umgesetzt wird.
</h5>
<address>
<span>Veronika Hartmann</span></address>
<div id="articleBodyText">
<div>
«Ich
bin Ihr Diener, und mir ist zu Ohren gekommen, dass Sie eine Brücke
über das Goldene Horn zu bauen wünschen, doch niemanden finden können,
der das kann. Ich bin Ihr Diener und weiss, wie es geht.» Diese Zeilen
hat kein Geringerer als Leonardo da Vinci anno 1502 an den osmanischen
Sultan Beyazit II. gerichtet, sie finden sich noch heute in türkischer
Übersetzung in den Akten des Topkapi-Palasts. Warum da Vincis Entwürfe
niemals verwirklicht wurden, ist nicht bekannt.<br />
«Hätte er nur»,
mag es dem einen oder anderen heutzutage entfahren. Denn demnächst wird
eine Metro-Brücke über besagtes Gewässer fertiggestellt werden, die bei
den Istanbulern wenig Begeisterung hervorruft. Sie verbindet die
ältesten Stadtviertel miteinander, nämlich Galata und Eminönü. Hoch oben
ist sie und wird von einer Drahtseilkonstruktion getragen. Statt sich
sanft in die Stadtsilhouette einzuschmiegen, verdeckt sie den Blick auf
die historische Halbinsel mit Topkapi-Serail, Hagia Sophia und
Süleymaniye-Moschee. Auch die Unesco, die bereits 1985 das gesamte Areal
zum Weltkulturerbe ernannt hat und nun über dessen Schutz wacht, zeigte
sich bei der letzten Begehung Ende letzten Jahres beunruhigt. Den
Bericht dazu erwartet man in diesen Tagen.<br />
<br />
<h4>
Irreversibler Fehler</h4>
Der
Architekt Ali Ulvi Altan, der als Projektleiter mit dem Bau der Brücke
betraut ist, beteuert, dass die Unesco sich von dem Projekt habe
überzeugen lassen. «Es ist ja noch nicht fertig, mit etwas Farbe und
Beleuchtung kann man da noch einiges machen.» Eine Alternative hat es in
seinen Augen nicht gegeben. «Das Problem besteht darin, dass wir an
diese Route gebunden waren. Die einzig sinnvolle Lösung wäre natürlich
eine andere Streckenführung gewesen, aber darüber wurde bereits in den
1980er Jahren entschieden. Damals war Denkmalschutz noch kein Thema»,
erklärt Altan. Da die Tunnel, die zur Anbindung an das Streckennetz der
Metro notwendig sind, bereits in den neunziger Jahren gegraben worden
waren, wollte die Stadt aus Kostengründen vom überalterten Plan nicht
abweichen. Ohnehin hatte das Amt für Denkmalschutz bereits ein Dutzend
Entwürfe abgelehnt, der jetzt umgesetzte war der einzige, der den
behördlichen Segen erhalten hat. Massgeblich daran beteiligt gewesen
sein soll übrigens kein Geringerer als der Istanbuler Oberbürgermeister
und Architekt Kadir Topbas, auch wenn unter dem Entwurf offiziell der
Name seines Kollegen Hakan Kiran steht.<br />
Doch die Brücke ist nicht
der einzige Streitpunkt, denn Istanbul gleicht einer Grossbaustelle. Die
Strassenführung am zentralen Taksim-Platz wird unter die Erde verlegt,
die bisherige Grünfläche zu einem Einkaufszentrum umgewandelt. Der
Bosporus wird untertunnelt und ein weiteres Mal überbrückt. Weil eine
Verbindung unter dem Bosporus bereits der Traum des Sultans Abdülmecid
im Jahr 1860 war, soll noch vor der Fertigstellung des Marmaray-Tunnels
mit dem Bau eines zweiten begonnen werden. Der ehemalige Hafen von
Haydarpasa wird weichen und an seiner Stelle ein olympisches Stadion
entstehen, der gleichnamige historische Bahnhof, der 2010 durch einen
Brand teilweise zerstört wurde, soll als Hotel wie ein Phönix aus der
Asche auferstehen. Camlica, einer der höchsten Hügel der Stadt und ein
beliebtes Ausflugsziel, wird bereits in zwei Jahren von der grössten
Moschee des Landes gekrönt, während ausserdem Europas grösstes
Finanzzentrum und riesige Trabantenstädte aus dem Boden gestampft
werden. Damit nicht genug, man nimmt Mass für einen neuen Bosporus, der
Schwarzes Meer und Marmarameer einige Dutzend Kilometer weiter westlich
erneut verbinden soll.<br />
Natürlich darf auch der grösste Flughafen
der Welt nicht fehlen. Es wird gegraben, aufgeschüttet und umgewühlt.
Für den Bauboom, der an allen Ecken und Enden der Stadt die Bürger
quält, gibt es verschiedene, auch sehr triftige Gründe. Zum einen
erlebte die Stadt eine Bevölkerungsexplosion, wie man sie in
vergleichbarem Umfang kaum findet. Während die Stadtväter in den 1980er
Jahren noch mit rund 5 Millionen Einwohnern rechneten, sind es heute
offiziell 12 Millionen. Dass diese Zahl viel zu niedrig gegriffen ist,
zweifelt niemand wirklich an. Dazu kommen zum andern die unendlichen
Ströme der Touristen, Besucher und Geschäftsreisenden. Und alle diese
Menschen wollen nicht nur untergebracht, transportiert, ernährt und
unterhalten werden, sie sind gleichzeitig dem hohen Erdbebenrisiko der
Region ausgesetzt. Die Antwort auf diese Herausforderungen hält die
Stadt in Form des Konzepts «Städtischer Wandel» bereit, eines
grossangelegten Bauprojekts, in dessen Rahmen allein in Istanbul über
200 000 Gebäude abgerissen werden sollen. An ihrer Stelle sind moderne
Wohngebiete geplant. «Und wenn es uns die Regierung kostet, das werden
wir jetzt durchziehen!», versprach Ministerpräsident Tayyip Erdogan nach
einem verheerenden Beben, das 2011 die Region Van im Südosten des
Landes heimsuchte.<br />
Als Folge werden nun in Istanbul ganze
Stadtviertel wie das historische Sulukule oder das zentrale Tarlabasi
entvölkert und die Anwohner, die oft zu arm sind, um sich zu wehren,
enteignet und in Wohnsilos fernab ihrer alten Wohnstätten vertrieben.
Die alte Bausubstanz wird komplett abgerissen, und es entstehen
Luxuswohnungen und Büros, die Höchstpreise erzielen. Auf historisches
Erbe, Denkmalschutz oder ausreichend Grünflächen wird nicht geachtet.
Bereits jetzt gibt es nur noch durchschnittlich 3 Quadratmeter Grün pro
Einwohner, in Europa sind 30 Quadratmeter Standard.<br />
<br />
<h4>
Kampf um Mitspracherecht</h4>
Nun
mag es einerseits faszinieren, dass es den Baumeistern der Metropole
vergönnt zu sein scheint, Grossprojekte so schnell umzusetzen wie in
kaum einem anderen Land. Doch das hat seinen Preis, und diesen zahlen in
Istanbul vor allem die Zivilgesellschaft, das historische Stadtgefüge
und auch der Katastrophenschutz. Deswegen wünschen sich die Bürger eine
Beteiligung an den Entscheidungsprozessen und auch einen Mindeststandard
für die Raumplanung.<br />
Nicht weit von der neuen Metro-Brücke über
das Goldene Horn hat die Istanbuler Architektenkammer ihren Sitz. Er
befindet sich im Stadtteil Karaköy, wo man den rasanten Wandel der Stadt
gut beobachten kann. Was noch vor einem Jahrzehnt ein Hafenviertel mit
Bordellen, Schiffsbedarf wie Ankern und Tauen sowie Elektroartikeln war,
bietet heute immer mehr schicken Hotels und Cafés, Offices und Galerien
Raum. Hinter einem Berg von Akten sitzt Mücella Yapici, Architektin und
Aktivistin der Architektenkammer.<br />
Für sie ist die Brücke nur ein
Puzzleteil in der fehlgeleiteten Baupolitik der Stadt. Vor allem der
Standort sei katastrophal gewählt, da gibt sie Altan gerne recht. Aber
in ihren Augen sind die meisten Bauprojekte, die in Istanbul
durchgeführt werden, durch nichts zu entschuldigen. «Das grösste
Problem, das die Stadt hat, ist die Erdbebengefahr, Seismologen fürchten
eine schwere Entladung der tektonischen Spannungen schon in naher
Zukunft. Doch genauso schlimm ist nun die Bedrohung durch die Bausünden,
die unter dem Vorwand begangen werden, die Stadt gegen eine
bevorstehende Naturkatastrophe zu wappnen», erklärt Yapici. Denn wenn
eine Gegend als Risikogebiet ausgewiesen ist, fallen die Auflagen des
Denkmalschutzes weg. Laut Yapici trifft das auf 60 Prozent der
historischen Halbinsel zu. «Schwer zu sagen, was mittlerweile schwerer
wiegt. Zudem werden Grossvorhaben wie Brücken, Flughäfen, Tunnel von
ganz oben entschieden. Vom Ministerium für Umwelt und Städtebau oder von
Ministerpräsident Erdogan persönlich. Jede Epoche möchte sich eben
verewigen und der Stadt ihren Stempel aufdrücken.»<br />
Der öffentliche
Raum wird also über die Köpfe der Bürger hinweg gestaltet. Sie haben
keine Möglichkeit, eigene Vorstellungen und Ideen einzubringen – nicht
einmal, wenn ihre eigenen Häuser oder Stadtviertel betroffen sind.
Yapici, die im Namen der Architektenkammer gegen Bausünden zu klagen
versucht, mit der Stadtverwaltung über Projekte diskutiert und bei Demos
an vorderster Front für den Erhalt von kulturellem Erbe kämpft, freut
sich, ein wachsendes Interesse der Bevölkerung an Fragen der
Stadtentwicklung beobachten zu können. «Es haben sich
Quartier-Initiativen gebildet, die sich jetzt auch untereinander
vernetzen. Doch leider mangelt es in der Türkei an einer demokratischen
Tradition. Hier hoffen die Menschen, dass ‹die da oben› schon richtig
entscheiden werden. Abschreckend ist auch, dass friedliche
Demonstrationen gegen die Zerstörung von Kulturgütern nicht selten von
den Sicherheitskräften mit Tränengas und Wasserwerfern
auseinandergetrieben werden.» Dennoch glaubt Yapici, dass immer mehr
Menschen nicht länger tatenlos zusehen wollen, wie das Gesicht der Stadt
verändert wird.<br />
<br />
<h4>
Zaudernde Unesco</h4>
Yapici kritisiert die
zögernde Haltung der Unesco gegenüber dem von Stadt, Ministerium und
Regierung praktizierten brachialen Umgang mit Istanbuls Kulturerbe und
erklärt: «Seit 2006 tauchen die Brücke über das Goldene Horn, die
Stadtteile Sulukule und Tarlabasi sowie die historische Halbinsel in
allen Berichten der Unesco auf, und es wird damit gedroht, dass Istanbul
den Status als Weltkulturerbe einbüsst. Aber passiert ist nichts, und
ich persönlich glaube, dass sich durch die Globalisierung auch die
Einstellung der Unesco geändert hat.» Nicht ganz so schwarz sieht das
Brückenbauer Ali Ulvi Altan: «Ein Gutes hat die Brücke auf jeden Fall!»,
tröstet er. «Immerhin hat sie das Interesse der Menschen an ihrem
kulturellen Erbe geweckt, sie setzen sich jetzt dafür ein und wollen,
dass man es schützt.» Ausserdem gibt es bereits einen neuen Plan: Ein
Stück weiter das Goldene Horn hinauf plant man den Bau der nächsten
Brücke. Sie soll endlich so aussehen, wie Leonardo da Vinci es sich
vorgestellt hat. Vom fernen Italien aus.</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-64374690968434593512013-04-14T13:15:00.001-07:002013-04-14T13:15:22.849-07:00Istanbulites ‘’stood up’’ for Gezi Park, the public park in Taksim Square<i>reblogged from Cihan Baysal, posted on reclaiming spaces mailing list </i><br />
<br />
‘’Stand up! for Taksim Gezi Park’’ Festival organized on April 13th, continued the whole day long with the participation of thousands.<br /><br />Thousands of Istanbulites resisted against the renewal project which comprises the demolishment of the public park, one of the rare open spaces of the city center with its spacious green plots and decades old trees, and the construction of a shopping mall in its place in the replica of the late Ottoman artillery barracks. The Festival was organized by the recently established Taksim Gezi Park Association under the umbrella of Taksim Solidarity. Istanbulites, from all ages, backgrounds, social and ethnic groups reclaimed Gezi Park whole day long till midnight.<br /><br />
Taksim Solidarity, consisting of professional chambers (architects and city planners), trade unions, grassroots, neighbourhood associations, urban platforms and urban movements, has been fighting against Taksim Project of the government, which will not only demolish one of the rare precious green plots of the city-and the more so for a city expecting its earthquake-but will also turn Taksim Square into an inanimate space by cutting its access to crowds.<br />
Taksim Square happens to be the most important public space in Istanbul as well as in the whole country, where May 1st ralles, democratic demonstrations, New Year celebrations and all kinds of public gatherings are held. The project, while preventing the access of crowds to the square and through demolishment of Gezi Park right next to the Square, will transform the ‘’Agora’’ into a consumer space, in line with the neoliberal vision of the government.<br />
The process was initiated by the implementation of the urban renewal project in Tarlabasi, a residential area of minorities, vulnerable groups, urban poor and low-income groups. The project has led to displacement of settled residents and unjust property transfers to high income groups. <br /><br /><br />''Stand Up for Gezi Park'' info:<br /><br /><a href="http://www.facebook.com/taksimgeziparkidernegi">http://www.facebook.com/taksimgeziparkidernegi</a><br /><br /><a href="http://www.sendika.org/2013/04/istanbul-gezi-parki-icin-ayaga-kalkti/">http://www.sendika.org/2013/04/istanbul-gezi-parki-icin-ayaga-kalkti/</a><br />
<br /><a href="https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=10151607383422792" target="_blank">https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=10151607383422792</a><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-73517950522589711562013-04-10T03:16:00.000-07:002013-05-13T13:58:29.675-07:00Criminalization of Urban Poverty by Turkish Prime Minister<!--[if !mso]>
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #888888;"></span></span><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"></span><a href="http://reclaimistanbul.com/2013/04/06/criminalization-of-urban-poverty-by-turkish-pm/" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">Urban sprawl hid and fed te<span id="goog_1538503351"></span><span id="goog_1538503352"></span>rrorism: Turkish PM</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 9.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://reclaimistanbul.com/author/ysrdnl/"><span style="color: #2585b2;"></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #888888;">reblogged from <a href="http://reclaimistanbul.com/" target="_blank">Reclaim Istanbul</a></span></span></div>
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<div style="line-height: 16.8pt; margin-bottom: 12.0pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span style="color: #888888;">by </span>Yaşar Adnan Adanalı</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: "Helvetica Neue","serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"> </span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Economic and social factors such as
poverty, unemployment, bad housing and urban sprawl have been important factors
that have fed terrorism year after year, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan said in Istanbul today.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Speaking during an event in
Gazioşmanpaşa district to preside over the demolition of hundreds of homes –
ostensibly for the purposes of constructing modern housing in their place –
Erdoğan made a connection between terrorism and bad urbanization.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">“While in the east our soldiers and
police officers fought terrorism, [previous governments] did nothing about the
poverty, unemployment and discrimination that terrorist groups abused. They
shut their eyes to the migration to big cities while they were building shanty
houses. Urban sprawl became places of abuse that hid terrorism,” Erdoğan said,
emphasizing that young people with no hope for the future became vulnerable
targets of such groups. “We will transform those swamps into rose and tulip
gardens.”</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Erdoğan also responded to criticism
about the 63-member Wise Persons’ Commission that held its first meeting on
April 4 as part of its task of overseeing a peace process to end the Kurdish
issue.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Erdoğan repeated that the seven
groups of wise people that will visit each of Turkey’s seven regions to discuss
the peace process would be free to do their own planning.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">“We did not force them. But some seem
very upset. Some cry out that they are not in the group, others are jealous. We
are bustling about doing something to stop mothers’ tears, but some are still
trying to gain [political] benefit,” he said.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<b><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Istanbul ‘overpopulated’</span></b><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"></span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">A former Istanbul mayor, Erdoğan also
argued that Turkey’s fabled metropolis was too populous. “When I became mayor
[in 1994], 8 million people lived in Istanbul. Now it’s 14 million. Is this how
it should be? I don’t think so. We have to find a solution for migration,” he
said.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The Turkish prime minister also
criticized construction companies for building skyscrapers and tall buildings
that now cover the entire Istanbul skyline, arguing that buildings should not
be taller than four or five floors.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">“We have to attach importance to
aesthetics. You will tell me that 40- or 50-story buildings can de aesthetic,
too. They can, I won’t deny it. But humans should live near the soil,” he said.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; line-height: 16.8pt; margin: 0cm 0cm 12pt;">
<span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">Source: <a href="http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/urban-sprawl-hid-and-fed-terrorism-turkish-pm.aspx?pageID=238&nID=44397&NewsCatID=338" target="_blank"><u>Hurriyet Daily News</u></a></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-89233229936573022392013-03-23T15:41:00.000-07:002013-03-23T15:41:05.159-07:00STAND UP for Taksim Gezi Park - Taksim Gezi Parkı İçin AYAĞA KALK<iframe width="540" height="304" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/vuuL85p2E_Y?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-23042590673486888712013-02-13T02:03:00.000-08:002013-02-13T02:03:00.439-08:00The Contemporary Urban History of Istanbul in 6 Minutes
<iframe width="540" height="304" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/LihJZCH4jzQ?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>
reblogged from http://reclaimistanbul.com Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-78139549728520046122012-12-04T00:20:00.002-08:002013-05-13T14:00:00.351-07:00Turkey: “Significant progress in securing the right to life, a long way to go on accountability” – UN expert <div>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"> ANKARA (30 November 2012) – “Turkey has made
significant strides in securing the right to life in recent years, and
continues to take further positive measures in this regard,” said United
Nations independent expert Christof Heyns at the end of his official visit* to
the country today. “However, impunity remains the main outstanding challenge
that needs to be addressed urgently and in order to consolidate the progress.”</span> <br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">The UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial,
summary or arbitrary executions conducted an official visit to Turkey with the
aim of examining the current level of unlawful killings and death threats, as
well as efforts to prevent them and ensure accountability in such cases. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">“Since the last visit by my predecessor in 2001,
institutional and legal changes have been made – and are still being made –
which, if fully implemented, have the potential to address many of the
remaining concerns related to the right to life. There is wide recognition that
the main obstacle to a higher level of protection for the right to life is
impunity for perpetrators,” he stressed. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">Mr. Heyns noted that members of the security
forces are often protected from conviction by ineffective investigations and
slow legal processes. “Many people interviewed during the visit question the
extent to which the political will exists to bring perpetrators to book,” the
Special Rapporteur said. “Likewise, while some commendable initiatives are
being taken, domestic violence against women, for example in the form of
so-called honour killings, is also not curbed effectively by prosecution or
other measures.”</span> <br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">“This situation persists against a background
where there has been little accountability for the large number of killings
that took place during the 1990s,” he said. “Where prosecutions take place, it
is largely for offences against the State, rather than for violations of the
right to life.” </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">The Special Rapporteur observed that violations
of the right to life by security forces continue in the context of counter
terrorism measures and during arrests and demonstrations. In his view,
responsibility for the Uludere incident at the end of last year, when 34
civilians were killed by Government fighter planes, remains unresolved and
raises serious concern. While recognizing the administrative and judicial
processes underway, the Special Rapporteur notes that they are not transparent.
</span>
<br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">At the end of his five-day visit, Mr. Heyns
conveyed a series of preliminary recommendations to address the challenge of
impunity in Turkey. He also stressed the potential role that the growing number
of domestic institutions may have in addressing and investigating human rights
violations, including of the right to life. Among them, he drew attention to
the current process to establish the Turkish Human Rights Institution. “The
next steps in ensuring the independent and effective functioning of such
structures will be crucial for the consolidation of human rights protection in
Turkey,” he highlighted. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">During the course of the week, the Special
Rapporteur visited Ankara and Diyarbakir. He also held informal meetings with
civil society in Istanbul prior to the start of the official visit.</span> <br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">Mr. Heyns will present his report on the visit
to Turkey at the 23rd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in
2013. </span><br />
<br />
<b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">(*)</span></b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> Check<i> the full end-of-mission statement: </i></span><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=12850&LangID=E" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=12850&LangID=E</span></a></span>
<br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";">ENDS</span> <br />
<br />
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">The Special Rapporteur
on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Christof Heyns (South
Africa), is a director of the Institute for International and Comparative Law
in Africa and Professor of Human Rights Law at the University of Pretoria,
where he has also directed the Centre for Human Rights, and has engaged in
wide-reaching initiatives on human rights in Africa. He has advised a number of
international, regional and national entities on human rights issues. Mr.
Heyns’ research interests include international human rights law and human
rights law in Africa. Learn more, log on to: </span></i><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Executions/Pages/SRExecutionsIndex.aspx" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Executions/Pages/SRExecutionsIndex.aspx</span></i></a></span>
<br />
<br />
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">UN Human Rights Country
Page – Turkey: </span></i><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/ENACARegion/Pages/TRIndex.aspx" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/ENACARegion/Pages/TRIndex.aspx</span></i></a></span>
<br />
<br />
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Read the 2001 report on
Turkey: </span></i><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G01/163/37/PDF/G0116337.pdf?OpenElement" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G01/163/37/PDF/G0116337.pdf?OpenElement</span></i></a></span>
<br />
<br />
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">For more information and
<b>media requests</b>, please contact:</span></i> <br />
<b><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In Geneva: </span></i></b><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">UN Human Rights (+41 22 917 9158 / </span></i><a href="mailto:eje@ohchr.org" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">eje@ohchr.org</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">)</span></i> <br />
<b><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">In Ankara:</span></i></b><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> Ahmet Parla, UNIC Ankara (Tel + 90 312 454 1051
/ Cell + 90 533 500 1497 / </span></i><a href="mailto:ahmet.parla@unic.org" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">ahmet.parla@unic.org</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">)</span></i> <br />
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></i> <br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">For <b>media inquiries</b>
related to other UN independent experts:</span> <br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Xabier Celaya, UN Human
Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / </span><a href="mailto:xcelaya@ohchr.org" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">xcelaya@ohchr.org</span></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">) </span><br />
<br />
<b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">UN Human Rights, follow
us on social media:</span></b> <br />
<b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Facebook:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><span style="color: black;"><a href="https://www.facebook.com/unitednationshumanrights" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">https://www.facebook.com/unitednationshumanrights</span></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><b><span style="font-family: "Cambria","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"><br />
</span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Twitter:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><a href="http://twitter.com/UNrightswire" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://twitter.com/UNrightswire</span></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></span><br />
<b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Google+</span></b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> gplus.to/unitednationshumanrights </span><b><span style="font-family: "Cambria","serif"; font-size: 10pt;"><br />
</span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">YouTube:</span></b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.youtube.com/UNOHCHR" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://www.youtube.com/UNOHCHR
</span></a></span><br />
<b><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Storify:
</span></b><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://storify.com/UNrightswire" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://storify.com/UNrightswire</span></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;"> </span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt;">Check the Universal
Human Rights Index: </span><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://uhri.ohchr.org/en" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt;">http://uhri.ohchr.org/en</span></a></span>
</div>
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<br /></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-21149085226994061352012-10-30T05:52:00.003-07:002013-05-13T14:01:14.002-07:00New law to transform buildings due to earthquake risk<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td id="newsTitle"><div class="georgia_30">
<a href="http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist-286260-new-law-to-transform-buildings-due-to-earthquake-risk.html" target="_blank">from Today´s Zaman</a> from <span class="detailDate">11 July 2012, Wednesday </span></div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr><td><br /></td></tr>
<tr>
<td colspan="2" id="newsSpot"><span class="detail-spot">"Some
readers really amaze me. It is indeed good to receive an e-mail
questioning why I did not write the second part of an earlier column on
earthquakes and buildings.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
</tr>
<tr>
<td colspan="2" id="newsText" valign="top"><span class="detail-text">A while ago, I wrote about a new law
that would require the modification of buildings so that they are
earthquake resistant. If this new legislation is enacted, many cities in
Turkey, especially İstanbul, will change dramatically. Under this new
code, 50 percent of buildings in Turkey will be retrofitted while
at-risk areas will be restructured in order to create a safer living
environment. The minister of environment and urban planning has also
indicated that all unsafe structures will be demolished.<br />
I will provide more details about this new law for those who are interested.<br />
The
procedure to decide which buildings will be demolished and how is still
ambiguous, but it needs to be clarified to such a level that even an
old pensioner would be able to easily understand it. Everyone has the
right to live in a tidy and spacious city. But, how will this period of
transformation be managed? There are thousands of buildings that need to
be destroyed and many areas that need to be restructured, but there are
also millions of residents in these areas. It seems many problems will
occur in this transformation period.<br />
There is an important detail
in the new law. </span><br />
<br />
<span class="detail-text"><b>"The decision to demolish the building will be based
solely on the report of a commission working with the government and
will not require the consent of building owners." </b></span><br />
<br />
<span class="detail-text">The decision to demolish the building will be based
solely on the report of a commission working with the government and
will not require the consent of building owners. This indicates that the
project has considerable political risks. However, the government seems
to be willing to take that chance. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
has stated that the government will ensure that dangerous structures are
torn down even if it means a defeat in the polls. Previous governments
allowed for unplanned urbanization simply because of political
interests, but the prime minister’s statement indicates that the
government will stay firm on this matter. Therefore, the new law will
deeply influence city life. This massive project will require the
cooperation of many government agencies. First, the areas that are at
greater risk will be determined, and Cabinet will have to approve the
areas. Governors will manage the process of rehabilitation, and the
Housing Development Administration of Turkey (TOKİ) and municipalities
will carry out the demolition work.<br />
Many citizens have asked the
question: How much time will we have to leave after a decision is made
to demolish our apartments? After the decision, a document will be sent
to the building owners, who will then have four months to leave. A
month-long extension will be granted if necessary.<br />
After the
demolition, building owners will be shareholders of the land.
Shareholders will decide what will be built on the land, but if they are
unable to decide, the government will decide how to use the land and it
may be expropriated. If needed, this land will be transformed into
green space.<br />
This is a great and a risky project, so it is
inevitable that many arguments will emerge. However, it contains the
necessary provisions for a country located in an earthquake zone. I am
hoping that this project will be completed without causing suffering to
citizens and will result in the establishment of durable, well-ordered
residential areas.<br />
<b>NOTE:</b> Berk Çektir is a licensed attorney at law and
available to answer questions on the legal aspects of living in Turkey.
Please kindly send inquiries to b.cektir@todayszaman.com. If a sender’s
letter is published, names may be disclosed unless otherwise expressly
stated by the sender.<br />
<b>DISCLAIMER:</b> The information
provided here is intended to give basic legal information. You should
get legal assistance from a licensed attorney at law while conducting
legal transactions and not rely solely on the information in this
column."</span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-11312098041359578692012-09-18T02:46:00.000-07:002013-05-13T14:02:55.623-07:00New Turkey wide Demolitions in the Name of Disaster Protection<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/%20http://www.ntvmsnbc.com/id/25380523" target="_blank"> http://www.ntvmsnbc.com/id/25380523</a> text translated and links added by Cihan Baysal</span><br />
<br />
''The Minister of Urban Affairs of Turkey has recently announced
that the demolishments will start in October in 30 places simultaneously,
using dynamites in some .</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The Minister of Urban Affairs, Bayraktar, declared that the agenda
for the implementation of the Law on Areas Under Risk of Disasters has been
materialized:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
'' We will have a start which is going to cause reverberations. We
are starting in October. In 30 or 40 different parts of Turkey, we will have
demolishments'', stated Bayraktar. The prior cities will be
Istanbul,Ankara,Izmir,Bursa,Kocaeli,Sakarya, Konya,Bolu and Van.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Upon the question of ''Do you experience any difficulty in social
support?'', the Minister reflected that '' the people are very willing.We
reached a dimension of voluntariness.Without getting tired,we explain to the
people that they will be getting rid of their dilapidated buildings under
risk. Those who object to this, those who call it the 'transformation of rent/
profit' should come to me and tell me whom we are providing profit, I am
expecting them to come''</div>
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<br /></div>
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Bayraktar stated that engineering studies are being made for
demolishments that will take place in at least 30 cities. During the
demolishments, alongside demolishing machines,explosion by dynamite-a
technique not familiar in Turkey- will also be used. Tests are being made in
order not to cause any disasters via explosion by dynamite.It is notified that
this technique will be used in places where the poplation is not dense. The
Minister Bayraktar expressed that because he did not like the word ''
demolishment undertaker'' , they are looking for other words to coin the
expression.</div>
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<br /></div>
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The financial portrait of demolishments hasn't been substantiated
yet. The demolishments will give a start in October via 'ceremonies' and urban
transformation is planned to be urgent in the first 2 years and scheduled to be
finished in 5 stages in 3-5-7 and 10 year periods''. </div>
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<br /></div>
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For the Law on Areas under risk of Disasters,please visit:<span style="color: black;"><a href="http://direitoamoradia.org/?p=13059&lang=en">http://direitoamoradia.org/?p=13059&lang=en</a></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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For the Minister's question on 'projects for rent/profit',</div>
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Please visit: <u><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/nov/09/sulukule-roma-housing-row-istanbul?INTCMP=SRCH">http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/nov/09/sulukule-roma-housing-row-istanbul?INTCMP=SRCH</a></span></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: -27.35pt;">
<u>and</u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; text-indent: -27.35pt; vertical-align: baseline;">
<u><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif";"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/01/istanbul-city-urban-renewal?INTCMP=SRCH">http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/mar/01/istanbul-city-urban-renewal?INTCMP=SRCH</a></span></u></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; text-indent: -27.35pt; vertical-align: baseline;">
<u>Suleymaniye: </u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: black;"><a href="http://bianet.org/english/human-rights/137680-demolition-in-suleymaniye-with-announcement">http://bianet.org/english/human-rights/137680-demolition-in-suleymaniye-with-announcement</a></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<u>And the Tarlabasi renewal Project with 100 square meter luxurious
offices going for 800.000 dollars while a 5 storey building owned by a resident
was expropriated for 761.000 TL ( 423.000 dollars)!.So, the legally owned
property is transferred to firms and companies: </u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<u>''Million dollar offices for public good '': <a href="http://www.radikal.com.tr/Radikal.aspx?aType=RadikalDetayV3&ArticleID=1099694&CategoryID=80">http://www.radikal.com.tr/Radikal.aspx?aType=RadikalDetayV3&ArticleID=1099694&CategoryID=80</a></u></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-66372877850635576222012-07-13T13:37:00.000-07:002012-07-14T06:37:32.738-07:00Poor but Proud Istanbul Neighborhood Faces Gentrification<div class="MsoPlainText">
Article published in the New York Times<br />
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<br />
<h1 style="background: white;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/05/world/middleeast/05iht-m05-turkey-tarlabasi.html?src=rechp&pagewanted=all" target="_blank">http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/05/world/middleeast/05iht-m05-turkey-tarlabasi.html?src=rechp&pagewanted=all</a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></h1>
</div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-size: xx-small;">By JESSICA BOURQUE</span></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<span style="font-size: xx-small;">Published: July 4, 2012 </span></div>
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“This is a good thing,” he said on a recent afternoon.
“Everything here is in bad shape. No one here is washing or painting. They
don’t know how to take care of the historical architecture of these buildings.”
</div>
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“Here” is Tarlabasi, a low-income and primarily Kurdish
neighborhood that also serves as a sanctuary for Turkey <<a href="http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/turkey/index.html?inline=nyt-geo">http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/turkey/index.html?inline=nyt-geo</a>>
’s marginalized populations. In the heart of Istanbul, less than a five-minute
walk from the Istiklal Caddesi shopping hub, Tarlabasi’s faded facades are in
sharp contrast with Istiklal’s glitzy boutiques. The only thing separating
Tarlabasi from the more affluent Beyoglu neighborhood is the six-lane Tarlabasi
Boulevard, which has a police station equipped with a tank. </div>
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Tarlabasi’s central location means it could become prime
revenue-generating real estate, which is partly why Beyoglu Municipality
officials and the Housing Development Administration of Istanbul, known by its
Turkish acronym TOKI, declared it an urban renewal area in 2006.Six years later, after court battles over property
rights, the project is moving forward. The renewal area encompasses a
20,000-square-meter, or 4.9-acre, section of Tarlabasi that includes 210
historic Ottoman-era buildings; demolition has been under way for a few months. </div>
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At stake is Tarlabasi’s diverse culture. Migrant workers
have a long history of living in Tarlabasi, dating from the early 1900s when
Greek, Jewish and Armenian craftsmen lived in the area. But those groups were
driven out by the wealth tax of 1942, which impoverished many non-Muslim
workers, and in 1955 by riots that again focused on non-Muslims. Left vacant
after the riots, many houses in Tarlabasi were taken over by workers who migrated
from eastern Turkey to find work in Istanbul. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
On its Web site, TOKI says the renewal process includes
relocating residents to new housing complexes, “identifying the illegally
settled households to be evicted” and clearing the land so it can be “regenerated
through urban renewal projects.” These projects could include shopping malls,
upscale housing units and urban recreational areas. The Beyoglu mayor, Ahmet
Misbah Demircan, has said he wants the new Tarlabasi to rival the
Champs-Élysées in Paris. </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
While Mr. Yesildas, the furniture seller, calls the
process a makeover, others see the transformation of Tarlabasi as a negative
form of gentrification.The architect Huseyin Kaptan, director of the Istanbul
Metropolitan Planning and Urban Design Center, said that TOKI’s renewal plan
lacked foresight because it allowed the land to be developed by wealthy real
estate investors who had no vested interest in preserving the culture of the
area. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
“Unfortunately, this is very aggressive and very wrong,”
he said during a recent interview. “To keep the social structure safe, you need
to involve the people. Contractors get to build some modern thing — could be a
shopping mall, could be a high-rise — but they have no regard for the people
living there.” He added: “I call this kind of operation they’re doing, ‘killing
them while kissing them.”’</div>
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<br /></div>
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Today, the area is home to a host of low-income laborers
scraping by on the monthly minimum wage of 886.50 lire, or $493, or less,
working jobs as unlicensed garbage collectors or serving as house cleaners for
the better-off.Remziye Civak, 34, who keeps house for the owner of a
publishing company, has lived in Tarlabasi for 18 years. Her immaculate
two-room apartment also shelters her husband and their three children. “We are
lucky,” she said. “We own our home, but many people are renting.” A place the
size of her home rents for about 400 lire a month.</div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
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The sense of community is strong in Tarlabasi, Mrs. Civak
said, and she would miss that if she had to move to a new housing complex in
the suburbs. “My neighbors and I, we are like a big family,” she said.
“If anyone is sick, I know I can call on my neighbor to come help. We are very
close.”But she is nervous about the intensifying drug problems
where she lives. “What really worries me is the drug use. It’s called pills. I
don’t exactly what they are, but there is a lot of it going on,” she said, “I
worry about my kids, because they are young and I think, ‘What if they get
involved?”’ </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
Yasar Adanali, an urban scholar, consultant and activist,
said that, sadly, residents were not a priority for project planners.“Many kinds of informal, illegal migrants are living and
seeking refuge in areas like Tarlabasi. Why? Because for them, it’s easier to
find employment opportunities around Istiklal,” Mr. Adanali said during a
recent interview.“This transformation plan doesn’t pay any attention to
these social realities. Why not create social programs to help these people?
Instead, they just take Tarlabasi as a problem zone, a cancer area that you
need to erase from the map and rebuild for a completely new clientele,” one
willing to spend money to become part of the economic boom in Istanbul and
Turkey. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
“The city itself has become so deliciously profitable
that you can make these kinds of real estate projects without actually
involving the inhabitants of the area,” he said. “The real motive in these
plans is the desire to make a profit.”It is also part of Turks’ desire to showcase Istanbul as
a global city, “competing with global city-wannabes and global city-alreadys
like London, New York or Dubai,” Mr. Adanali said. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
For now, local and expatriate students and artists
attracted by this global metropolis are finding reasonable rents in Tarlabasi.
Mitch Burmeister, an American university-entrance tutor, rented his first
apartment there. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
“I knew that it didn’t have the best reputation,” he
said, “but I couldn’t pass up the rent. If you think of a city like Chicago, it
would be like renting a dirt cheap apartment right off of Michigan Avenue.” </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
The notion that deep-pocketed foreigners are willing to
live there only adds to the motivation for city officials to capitalize on the
area, rebranding what was a zone of prostitution and drugs as a safe place to
live. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
The “new Tarlabasi” is advertised on a large billboard
that hides demolished buildings from drivers along Tarlabasi Boulevard. The
billboard depicts mostly light-skinned women wearing business clothes and
strolling past a mall, an image far from the current reality there. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
While TOKI insists that Tarlabasi will maintain its
historical architectural touches, Mr. Adanali fears the transformation will
only create a facade to hide a sterile space. “It is a kind of ‘Disneyfication’
in the sense that it’s taking the area’s heritage and making it flashy,” he
said, “like a Disney theme park. Everything becomes shallow.”Not all the houses in Tarlabasi are being “regenerated,”
but some residents are still nervous about their future. Mrs. Civak said that
while her house was not now included in the renewal plan, she could not be
certain it would stay that way. “They’ve not told us much about what’s
happening,” she said. </div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoPlainText">
Mr. Yesildas also conceded that he knew little about the
project aside from what he had seen on the news. Still, he remains confident
that the government’s plan will benefit Tarlabasi.“This area wasn’t meant to be permanent. It was supposed
to change,” he said. “It has so many problems that need to be fixed. It should
be clean and taken care of.” </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-22987278713180207382012-03-02T08:19:00.000-08:002012-03-02T08:19:56.206-08:00Civil Society in Turkey seen from the USA<iframe width="530" height="299" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/Q1vdZdUX0CA" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>
<br />Text from <a href="http://www.setadc.org/young-scholars-on-turkey/ysot-events/408-lessons-from-turkish-civil-society-for-the-arab-springq-by-jacob-zenn" target="_blank">www.setadc.org/young-scholars-on-turkey</a><br />
<br />
The Young Scholars on Turkey (YSOT) Program presents
"Lessons from Turkish Civil Society for the Arab Spring "<br />
<br />
Jacob Zenn
The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law
Tuesday, November 15, 2011
12:00 - 1:30<br />
<br />
PM
Moderated by Kadir Ustun, Research Director, SETA Foundation at Washington D.C.<br />
<br />
Event Summary:
By Mary Hope Brenneman
Jacob Zenn presented his research on civil society development in Turkey under this year’s YSOT theme of “New Turkey in a New Middle East.” Zenn opened by noting Turkey’s exceptional status in the region; that of a secular democracy with a majority Muslim population. He then went on to explain how there has been an increased openness for the development of civil society in Turkey over the past decade. Various statistics aid in supporting this point: civil society organizations have increased by 44%, 10% of the population is now engaged with NGOs, and more than 1 million people involved in civil society organizations are women. Zenn attributed these positive developments to two main changes in Turkey. First, the supervision of civil society has been transferred from the police department to local governors. This has eased restrictions that civil society leaders and members felt as a result of police involvement. Zenn contended that this led to an increased feeling of freedom in the development of civil society. Second, associations have recently been allowed to receive foreign funding and support without obtaining specific government approval. Not only has this also increased the feeling of freedom among civil society groups, but it has increased their ability to develop. Zenn pointed to Turkey’s bid for membership in the European Union (EU) as a primary motivator for these changes.
While outlining these two changes that have led to increased civil society development, Zenn provided probable effects of this recent development. He noted that civil society organizations seem to be centered in urban areas, while less than 25% of organizations are found in rural areas where the need for civil society and NGOs is more pronounced. Zenn later said that this uneven distribution may be a result of poor administration of EU funds in supporting the development of civil society groups. In addition, Zenn theorized that the development of religious organizations in civil society has helped to keep Turkey’s government secular. This happens because the population can use civil society organizations, rather than the state, as an outlet for religious expression. However, Zenn added, there is a danger in civil society (particularly religious groups) becoming too closely tied to decision-makers in the government. In response to a later question, Zenn noted that the close connection between the IHH and the AK Party is viewed as dangerous and has suffered some backlash in Turkey. Zenn concluded with reflections on Prime Minister Erdoğan’s recommendation of a secular regime in Egypt. This recommendation, according to Zenn, represents a Turkish hope for secularism in the broader Middle Eastern region. The key is to find the right balance between state, religion and civil society.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-9792958734778724952012-03-01T01:59:00.000-08:002012-03-01T02:15:37.543-08:00SIGN PETITION - TAKSIM BELONGS TO ALL OF US<div style="font-size: 16px;">
<b>sign petition here: <a href="http://www.taksimplatformu.org/english.php" target="_blank">http://www.taksimplatformu.org/english.php</a> </b></div>
<div style="font-size: 16px;">
<br /></div>
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_pLxsBWjYJlfu4VQ4D5ookVbye2mR-QN5gw4daKiR53R7n_fIxtbr2lkwj5Iyv3f4wsM6cb_aSGi4un-WjcWHxM_4C-YuJAYMUxAX64GEv0-LAPSDmIKgs6yjVo-Y8esYP2EZHgKx_kY/s1600/Taksim+For+all+of+us%21.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="350" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_pLxsBWjYJlfu4VQ4D5ookVbye2mR-QN5gw4daKiR53R7n_fIxtbr2lkwj5Iyv3f4wsM6cb_aSGi4un-WjcWHxM_4C-YuJAYMUxAX64GEv0-LAPSDmIKgs6yjVo-Y8esYP2EZHgKx_kY/s320/Taksim+For+all+of+us%21.JPG" width="530" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.taksimplatformu.org/bizkimiz.php" target="_blank">Demonstration on Taksim indicating that the construction works is underway!</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div style="font-size: 16px;">
<br />
<br />
text from the same page:<br />
<br />
<b>TAKSİM PLATFORM: PRESS RELEASE AND SIGNATURE PETITION</b></div>
What Does the Recently Proposed Taksim Project Involve?<br />
The recently proposed Taksim Project calls for the construction
of enormous ramps --10 meters deep and 100 meters long-- leading to
subterranean tunnels directing traffic under Taksim Square. The ramps
will be located at seven points near the square, including Gümüşsuyu,
Sıraselviler, Mete, Tarlabaşı, and Cumhuriyet Boulevards. High concrete
walls will be erected, and the existing sidewalks along the boulevards
will be transformed into service roads. The trees in the vicinity will
be cut down, and it will be difficult, if not impossible, to reach
Taksim Square by foot. Underground tunnels will not solve the problems
of urban transportation and traffic. Urban planners throughout the
developed world have long since discredited them.<br />
<b><br />
THE TAKSİM PROJECT IS NOT ABOUT MAKING THE SQUARE MORE PEDESTRIAN-FRIENDLY (despite claims otherwise)</b><br />
<b>How Was the Project Passed through Official Channels?</b><br />
The present plans for Taksim Square were announced by the Prime
Minister before the elections. The Istanbul Greater Metropolitan
Parliament then approved them by vote, after which the Istanbul No. 2
Regional Agency for the Preservation of Cultural Heritage Sites passed
the bill with speed unprecedented for a “reconstruction project.”<br />
Despite being a public initiative financed by city taxes,
residents of the city and civic organizations have not been informed
of, nor consulted about, the details of the project. The Metropolitan
government has not provided any means for public discussion. It
continues to ignore the voices of various groups and individuals who
have the expertise to evaluate the effects this project will have on
the urban fabric of Taksim. <br />
THE LACK OF TRANSPARENCY IN PLANNING AND PASSING THIS PROJECT VIOLATES EVERY PRINCIPLE OF PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY<br />
<br />
<b>What Do We Want?</b><br />
We want transparency and the opportunity for input in the
redesign of Taksim Square. Urban development plans should take into
consideration those residing in nearby neighborhoods as well as those
who work in and visit the area. Transportation projects should not be
planned by decree from above, nor in isolation from their environment
and residents. The latest holistic approaches need to be taken into
consideration during the design of transportation systems, viewing them
as part of the overall urban fabric.<br />
As the highest-profile and most symbolic square in Turkey,
Taksim Square means many things to people of many different walks of
life. Democratic participation in deciding how to design and use this
public space is just as important as it is in rewriting the
Constitution. <br />
The days of reckless urban development and planning without
public consultation are long over. It’s time to do things differently.
Let’s start with Taksim Square. Let’s join together and make this an
example of how city officials can successfully work in conjunction with
civic groups and citizens for a better designed city space for
everyone.<br />
We call upon the city officials of Istanbul to serve their constituents in a transparent and democratic way.<br />
<b>Taksim belongs to all of us!<a href="http://www.taksimplatformu.org/english.php" target="_blank">http://www.taksimplatformu.org/english.php</a></b>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-87495505598539572652012-02-22T13:08:00.002-08:002012-02-22T13:10:27.568-08:00News on Tarlabaşı from BIANET.ORG<div id="top_menu">
<div id="go_to">
<form action="/archives/go?id=1" method="post">
</form>
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<div id="search">
<form action="/arsiv/ara" method="get">
<a href="http://www.bianet.org/bianet/toplum/136198-kirlangic-sokagin-son-sakinleri" target="_blank">http://www.bianet.org/bianet/toplum/136198-kirlangic-sokagin-son-sakinleri </a></form>
<form action="/arsiv/ara" method="get">
KENTSEL DÖNÜŞÜM</form>
</div>
</div>
<div class="manset">
<h2 class="no_space">
Kırlangıç Sokağın Son Sakinleri </h2>
Tarlabaşı'nda tüm komşuları giden Argiş ailesi, istemese
de artık evi boşaltmak için mahkeme kararını bekliyor; çünkü sokak
lambaları bile çalışmıyor.<br />
<div class="yazar">
<div class="isim">
<a href="http://www.bianet.org/yazar/nilay-vardar">Nilay VARDAR</a>
</div>
<div class="mail">
<a href="mailto:nilay@bianet.org">nilay@bianet.org</a>
</div>
</div>
<div class="bilgi">
<div class="from">
İstanbul - BİA Haber Merkezi</div>
<div class="yer">
16 Şubat 2012, Perşembe
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="text">
</div>
<div class="item">
<img height="368" src="http://www.bianet.org/resim/olcekle/32635/490/368" width="490" /><br />
Tarlabaşı'nda altı yıldır "kentsel dönüşüm" adı altında devam eden süreçte sokaklar bir bir boşalmaya devam ediyor.<br />
Yıkılmayı bekleyen binaların çoğunun içleri çöp dolmuş; kapı,
pencereleri sökülmüş. Pencereden sarkmış eski bir yorgan ya da duvarlara
yazılı sözler, sokaklarda bir zamanlar yaşam olduğuna dair kalan son
izler...<br />
Küçükkırlangıç sokakta harap binaların arasında kalan Argiş ailesi de
sokağın son sakinlerinden. Mardin'den 15 yıl önce İstanbul'a göç eden
aile evi boşaltmak için bir türlü bitmek bilmeyen mahkeme sonucunu
bekliyor.<br />
Zar zor aldıkları 100 metrekarelik evleri için GAP inşaat 56 bin
lira, ya da yeni projeden 51 metrekareye nerede olduğu belli olmayan
bir ev teklif etti. Kabul etmeyince de "acil kamulaştırma" tehdidi ile
"37 bin liraya düşürürüz" dedi.<br />
<b>Bahattin Argiş</b> direnip dava açmış.<br />
"Mahkemede biz onlara Demirören AVM için ödenen fiyatı emsal
gösteriyoruz, onlar bize tehditle satın aldıkları evleri. Evlerini satan
insanlar şimdi ağlıyor, içlerinde kalp krizi geçirenler var.
Düşünebiliyor musunuz, üst komşunla aynı değerdeki evi korkundan
satıyorsun, o ise dava açıp üç katına alıyor."<br />
<h2>
Mahkemede üç kata çıkıyor</h2>
İki yıldır mahkeme sonucunu bekliyor; şu anda evine 160 bin verilmesi planlanıyor. Yani ilk teklif edilenin üç katı.<br />
Argiş mahkemenin fiyatı artırmasının mağduriyeti ortadan
kaldırmadığını söylüyor; çünkü asıl mesele ailesiyle Tarlabaşı'nda
yaşamaktan mutlu, işlerine yakın, komşuları vardı.<br />
"İstanbul'a ilk geldiğimizde biz burada dostluklarımızı kurduk;
çocuklarım bu semtte büyüdü. İki oğlum ve ben Taksim'deki
restaurantlarda çalışıyoruz, gece ikide işten çıkıyoruz, 10 dakikada
evdeyiz.<br />
<h2>
Komşular gitti, çöpler kaldı</h2>
"Ama yok onlar bizi, Taksim'e layık görmediler. Şimdi o parayla aynı
büyüklükte ve işime yakın ev bulmam imkansız. Her şeyden öte buraya
alışmıştık, kahveye gittim mi 50 kişiyi tanırdım... "<br />
<b>Songül Argiş</b> ne olacakları belli olmadığı için evlenme çağındaki iki oğlunu evlendiremediklerinden yakınıyor; bir de sokakların boşluğundan.<br />
"Tüm komşular gitti, evlerin içi çöp içinde, kokudan geçilmiyor.
Akşamları sokak lambası bile yanmıyor. Bu halde daha ne kadar
kalabiliriz ki burada..."<br />
<h2>
Zincirci'ye verilen ev</h2>
<b>Jirayr Zincirci</b> de Tarlabaşı'nın en mağdurlarından
biriydi; çünkü ne mülk sahibi ne de kiracıydı ama 30 yıllık
Tarlabaşılıydı; iki ay önce küçücük odasından çıkarılmak <a href="http://www.bianet.org/bianet/toplum/134765-ipte-camasir-yoksa-yikim-var">isteniyordu.</a><br />
bianet, Radikal ve Milliyet gazetesinin konuyu haber yapmasının
üzerine, twitter üzerinden "jirayr amcaya ev" kampanyası başlatıldı.
Bunun üzerine Beyoğlu Belediye Başkanı Misbah Demircan, Zincirci'ye ev
verileceğini <a href="http://bianet.org/bianet/toplum/134822-zincirci-hakki-olan-evi-alacak">belirtti.</a><br />
Haftasonu Zincirci, 30 yıllık minicik odasından ayrılıp, kız kardeşi
ile birlikte Tarlabaşı'nda oturduğu yerin alt mahallesinden birinde
minik bir eve yerleşti. Evinde ziyaret ettiğimiz Zincirci, kedilerini de
yanına aldığında tamamen rahatlayacağını söyledi.<br />
<h2>
Diğer "Zincirci"ler?</h2>
Bizim haberi yaparken amacımız, acilen Zincirci'nin barınma hakkının
karşılanması ama esasen Tarlabaşı'nda kentsel dönüşümün getirdiği
mağduriyete dikkat çekmekti.<br />
Demircan, bizzat devletin barınma hakkını hiçe sayarak yarattığı
mağduriyeti giderdi. Şu an Zincirci memnun; peki diğer Tarlabaşılılar...
Sorun sadece Zincirci değil ki.<br />
Kiracılar zaten kentsel dönüşümün görünmez özneleri olarak
Tarlabaşı'nı terk etti. Mülk sahiplerinin bir kısmı ihaleyi alan Çalık
Grubu'na ait GAP inşaatın kurduğu ikna odalarında avukatları olmadan
acil kamulaştırma tehdidi ile evlerini çok düşük fiyata sattı.<br />
Bir kısım mülk sahibi ise her ne kadar mağduriyetlerini hiçbir zaman
gideremeyecek de olsa kamulaştırmaya karşı açtıkları davaların sonucunu
bekliyor.<br />
<h2>
Anıtlar Kurulu da görevini yapmadı</h2>
Tarlabaşı Mülk Sahipleri Derneği'nin avukatlığını yapan <b>Barış Kaşka</b>,
en mağdurların korkudan evlerini yok pahasına satanlar olduğunu
mahkemelik olanların da fiyat arttırımı kazansa dahi yine de bunun
piyasa değerinin çok altında olduğunu söylüyor.<br />
5366 sayılı yasanın en önemli maddesi "uzlaşma"nın "soylulaşma"
pahasıne hiçe sayıldığını söyleyen Kaşka, dünyada örneği olmayan
"Belediye, şirket" ortaklığıyla "kamu yararının zerresinin
gözetilmediğini" belirtiyor.<br />
Kaşka, binaların aslına uygun şekilde tarihi özellikleri korunarak
yapılmasının mümkün olmadığını, zaten bunu denetlemesi gereken Anıtlar
Kurulu'nun da görevini yapmadığını söylüyor.<br />
Dernek Avan projenin iptali için Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi'ne
(AİHM) başvurmuştu. Ama bir ay içinde kamulaştırma davası ile ilgili
AİHM'e ilk kez bireysel başvuru yapılacak. (NV)</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-48359863053235617072012-02-10T08:02:00.000-08:002012-02-10T08:03:30.615-08:00Fener Balat Ayvansaray Urban Renewal Project<span style="font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.fatihhaber.com/subayeylem-febay.htm" target="_blank">http://www.fatihhaber.com/subayeylem-febay.htm </a></span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuJFqlHkFsxVSUTgiYYvlyePlET6areZ7d-jP28gGFL9bkQLQK9KRGOZ_5lygI7KmEN-7H4vA-XqQreSNxVUcfvgcQSFkGpg_nwCUrqaurA6rvlCITYjbksev4NPaxhNG2-POWs7i4up4/s1600/Fatih+Haber+Page.JPG" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="630" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuJFqlHkFsxVSUTgiYYvlyePlET6areZ7d-jP28gGFL9bkQLQK9KRGOZ_5lygI7KmEN-7H4vA-XqQreSNxVUcfvgcQSFkGpg_nwCUrqaurA6rvlCITYjbksev4NPaxhNG2-POWs7i4up4/s640/Fatih+Haber+Page.JPG" width="530" /></a></div>
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News Feature and Article on Fatih HaberUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-80642650317214958822012-02-08T05:25:00.000-08:002012-02-08T05:25:46.840-08:00Social Science Methods Training<a href="http://www.sozialwissenschaftsladen.de/" target="_blank">http://www.sozialwissenschaftsladen.de/ </a><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjgrM_2OeB2hiaCCUqjpfD4X2tKlAFyxsuG8kUAZsR0sR1FjGYJkogI6Ba6aaVFPkvATm1CqwlhpcJ8kiv4oBJl3-hib9de0j4v3MIJAY-5cV5Aa-4-GWMB2JfTo1vjku5APz_wqdTOvmg/s1600/Unbenannt.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjgrM_2OeB2hiaCCUqjpfD4X2tKlAFyxsuG8kUAZsR0sR1FjGYJkogI6Ba6aaVFPkvATm1CqwlhpcJ8kiv4oBJl3-hib9de0j4v3MIJAY-5cV5Aa-4-GWMB2JfTo1vjku5APz_wqdTOvmg/s400/Unbenannt.JPG" width="205" /></a></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-27189067171733287532012-01-22T03:59:00.000-08:002012-01-22T04:00:56.047-08:00New Taksim Project gets closer<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="320" mozallowfullscreen="" src="http://player.vimeo.com/video/24651018?title=0&byline=0&portrait=0" webkitallowfullscreen="" width="530"></iframe><br />
<a href="http://vimeo.com/24651018">Taksim Meydanı Projesi</a> from <a href="http://vimeo.com/adaletvekalkinmapartisi">Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi</a> on <a href="http://vimeo.com/">Vimeo</a>.<br />
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<a href="http://www.radikal.com.tr/Radikal.aspx?aType=RadikalDetayV3&ArticleID=1076343&CategoryID=77" target="_blank">http://www.radikal.com.tr/</a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-90411563413337086232012-01-19T04:15:00.000-08:002012-01-19T04:15:49.996-08:00Tarlabasi Promotion Video of Municipality and GAP<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="http://tv.beyoglu.bel.tr/VideoDetail/2/Tarlabasi-Yenileniyor" target="_blank"><img border="0" height="300" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgJGVowmiHWgfDBgjMe-SdKYveoXZnInWyUiVvI3bNhQRCzdEm46QoBg4JzW12PyHNBG38PrujZtrvnQlYCeJALCqUu3C3k1ew7JmRRVx0OGyKpkRJrUmU40Tbmf3ymHe6GPw2md3rF0xM/s640/Tarlabasi+Promotion+Clip.JPG" width="530" /></a></div><a href="http://tv.beyoglu.bel.tr/VideoDetail/2/Tarlabasi-Yenileniyor" target="_blank">http://tv.beyoglu.bel.tr/VideoDetail/2/Tarlabasi-Yenileniyor</a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-37074235705562814702012-01-09T11:45:00.000-08:002012-01-09T11:47:08.483-08:00Photo Reportage from Tarlabasi<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2CkuxMwvwrMDfHzUZJu0y2RQK37dSYXIwZ4x6IZx4w9r0KncVcY1biBVkKuSAu7R3PynvT6fjyNLG3Q2-6TJrv-fUA_hH8N3LJn5SSsqLukhyphenhyphentx9c7gr_-6mqpEyhaTTDQ0BGFo_Gnx4/s1600/Tarlabasi.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2CkuxMwvwrMDfHzUZJu0y2RQK37dSYXIwZ4x6IZx4w9r0KncVcY1biBVkKuSAu7R3PynvT6fjyNLG3Q2-6TJrv-fUA_hH8N3LJn5SSsqLukhyphenhyphentx9c7gr_-6mqpEyhaTTDQ0BGFo_Gnx4/s400/Tarlabasi.JPG" width="525" /></a></div>from Fatih Pinar<br />
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<a href="http://arsiv.ntvmsnbc.com/Modules/interactive/Foto-Roportaj/Tarlabasi/" target="_blank">http://arsiv.ntvmsnbc.com/Modules/interactive/Foto-Roportaj/Tarlabasi/ </a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8106657155234629977.post-34126158066975626302011-12-27T03:50:00.000-08:002012-01-18T07:53:22.604-08:00Turkey - They don’t care where you live | Slum Stories<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><i style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="http://www.slumstories.org/episode/turkey-they-don%E2%80%99t-care-where-you-live" target="_blank"><img border="0" height="310" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhpP77OouYmdtXTDBHVx-jf0iWDNuLQlPCSAchkEaTs2XKQt2RpEkipy2fgMIMyLtGHMAXSbuR0Ft6GWNi-3pdVyTZWFkNXZegSEC32ZFBvzxAr0dQzcBCYuhm28WYi9DCblGq-fz8e1r8/s400/Amnesty+Film+Urban+Transformation.JPG" width="525" /></a></i></div><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Filmmaker:</b> Nejla Osseiran</span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><b>Production:</b> Amnesty International </span><br />
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text from <a href="http://www.slumstories.org/episode/turkey-they-don%E2%80%99t-care-where-you-live" target="_blank">http://www.slumstories.org/episode/turkey-they-don%E2%80%99t-care-where-you-live</a> <br />
Urban development in Turkey has moved rapidly since 2000. This is when the authorities started work to protect old settlements and cultural heritage, but they didn’t stop there. Residential areas were tackled as well. This makes residents vulnerable to forced eviction and demolition.<br />
<img height="34" src="http://www.slumstories.org/files/TURKEY_TOKLUDEDE_1.jpeg" style="border: 2px solid black; float: left; margin-bottom: -2px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 3px; margin-top: 0px;" width="60" />The residents of the Ottoman quarter of Tokludede, in Istanbul, were told in 2006 that their quarter would be tackled. They live in fear ever since. To protest against their uncertain situation, they presented a petition to the local council in which they demanded that their right to housing would be respected.<br />
Şehriban İşbeceren lives in Tokludede. She opposes the council’s zoning plans by refusing to sell her house to the council. 'They don’t give us enough money and they force us to leave our houses. We have done nothing wrong.' According to Memiş Karamukoğlu, who lives in the same quarter, the residents of Tokludede have become undesirable persons. 'If you have money, you can live in Turkey. If not, you’re supposed to just go and live somewhere else. They don’t care where you live!'<br />
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Yapımcı/Producer: Imre Azem<br />
Yönetmen/Director: Nejla Osseiran<br />
Kurgu/Editing: Mesut Ulutas<br />
Müzik/Music: Ozan Turkyilmaz & Baris yerli<br />
Yapım/Production: Kibrit Film<br />
Süre/Running time: 8 dk/min<br />
Yılı/Year: 2011Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0